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Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights and Labor
United States Department of State
Country Reports on Human Rights Practices for 2011

[ProfRandall's note: This report was generated using a tool provided by the State Department. Interestingly, the state department did not exercise its responsibility to assess the human rights status of the United States. It also did not include North Africa as a part of Africa; rather including it in the Near East. Furthermore, it identified the Americas as the Western Hemisphere rather than North, Central and South America. ]


Angola

No information in the subsection on National/Racial/Ethnic Minorities


Benin

No information in the subsection on National/Racial/Ethnic Minorities


Botswana

No information in the subsection on National/Racial/Ethnic Minorities


Burkina Faso

Incidents of conflict have flared over trampled fields involving cattle herders of the Fulani ethnic group and farmers of other ethnic groups. Such incidents were fueled by the scarcity of grazing lands and Fulani herders allowing their cattle to graze on farm lands of the other groups, or farmers wanting to cultivate land set aside by local authorities for grazing. According to the Ministry of Animal Resources, more than 3,800 of such conflicts occurred between 2005 and 2011, including 318 during the first half of 2011. These conflicts caused 55 deaths since 2005 (see section 1 .d., Role of the Police and Security Apparatus).

In May clashes between members of Bwaba and Mossi ethnic groups occurred in Solenzo over alleged disrespect for a traditional Bwaba initiation ceremony by a Mossi. The confrontation resulted in two deaths. The governor of the region and local authorities went to Solenzo to mediate with local residents in order to resolve the conflict. This incident also reflected long-lasting tensions over land use in the region.


Burundi

No information in the subsection on National/Racial/Ethnic Minorities


Cameroon

The population consists of more than 250 ethnic groups, among which there were frequent and credible allegations of discrimination. Ethnic groups commonly gave preferential treatment to fellow ethnic group members in business and social practices. Members of the president's Beti/Bulu ethnic group from southern areas held key positions and were disproportionately represented in the government, state-owned businesses, security forces, and the ruling CPDM party.

Northern areas continued to suffer from ethnic tensions between the Fulani (or Peuhl) and the Kirdi, who remained socially, educationally, and economically disadvantaged relative to the Fulani in the three northern regions.

Traditional Fulani rulers, called lamibe, continued to wield great power over their subjects, who often included Kirdi, and sometimes subjected them to tithing and forced labor. Isolated cases of hereditary servitude were alleged, largely Fulani enslavement of Kirdi. Many Fulani hired Kirdi at exploitive wage levels to perform tasks that the Fulani considered menial and beneath them.

Vigilante violence against persons suspected of theft resulted in at least two deaths during the year. Public frustration over police ineffectiveness and the release without charge of many individuals arrested for serious crimes contributed to vigilante violence.

For example, on March 4, inhabitants of the Makepe neighborhood of Douala burned to death two thieves, who allegedly stole the motorbike of an elderly inhabitant of the neighborhood. An investigation was ongoing at year's end.


Cape Verde

No information in the subsection on National/Racial/Ethnic Minorities


Central African Republic

Violence by unidentified persons, bandits, and other nonstate armed entities against the Mbororo was a problem, as they continued to suffer

disproportionately from the civil disorder in the north. Their cattle wealth made them attractive targets to the bandits and other nonstate armed entities. Additionally, since many citizens viewed the Mbororo as inherently foreign due to their transnational migratory patterns, they faced occasional discrimination with regard to government services and protections.

In July gendarmes captured four armed Mbororo herders and detained them in Zemio on suspicion of colluding with the LRA. Approximately 100 persons from the local community stormed the holding facility, overpowered the gendarmes, and killed three of the accused men. Mbororo in LRA-affected areas were often accused of complicity with the LRA and discriminated against or targeted on those grounds.


Chad

There are approximately 200 ethnic groups, many of which were concentrated regionally. They speak 128 distinct primary languages. Although most

ethnic groups were affiliated with one of two regional and cultural traditions--Arabs and Muslims in the North, Center, and East; and Christian or animist groups in the South--internal migrations in response to urbanization and desertification resulted in the integration of these groups in some areas.

Interethnic violence continued, particularly in the east and south. Clashes occurred between herders and sedentary populations and other interethnic violence that often concerned use of increasingly scarce arable lands due to desertification.

Societal discrimination was practiced routinely by members of virtually all ethnic groups and was evident in patterns of employment. The law prohibits government discrimination on the basis of ethnicity, although in practice ethnicity continued to influence government appointments and political alliances. Political parties and groups generally had readily identifiable regional or ethnic bases.


Comoros

No information in the subsection on National/Racial/Ethnic Minorities


Congo, Democratic Republic of the

Members of the country's more than 400 ethnic groups practiced ethnic discrimination, and discrimination was evident in hiring patterns in some cities. The government took no reported actions to address this problem.

SSF in Kinshasa sometimes harassed, arbitrarily arrested, or threatened members of many different ethnic groups from Equateur, North Kivu, and South Kivu, according to regular reporting from the UNJHRO.


Congo, Republic of the

The law prohibits discrimination based on ethnicity; however, the government did not effectively enforce this prohibition.

Regional ethnic discrimination existed among all ethnic groups and was evident in government and private sector hiring and buying patterns. The relationships among ethnic, regional, and political equities can be difficult to discern. A majority of the president's cabinet members and generals originate from the country's northern Departments.


Cote d'Ivoire

The country has an ethnically diverse population, with more than 60 ethnic groups. Groups sometimes practiced societal discrimination against others on the basis of ethnicity. Approximately 25 percent of the population was considered foreign, although many within this category were second- or third-

generation residents. Outdated or inadequate land ownership laws reportedly resulted in conflicts with ethnic and xenophobic overtones, often between the native populations and other groups.

Police routinely abused and harassed non-Ivoirian Africans residing in the country and occasionally harassed Lebanese merchants. Harassment by officials reflected the common belief that foreigners were responsible for high crime rates and identity card fraud.

In the postelectoral period, security forces loyal to Gbagbo systematically harassed and targeted persons with northern or Muslim names. Several incidents of ethnic violence resulted in deaths and injuries (see section 1 .g.).

Ethnic tensions in the West and Southwest continued to lead to violence. In the West, and in Duekoue and Bangolo in particular, there continued to be reports of violent clashes between the native population and members of the foreign community, particularly Burkinabe farmers. These reports declined in the second half of the year. The law prohibits xenophobia, racism, and tribalism, making these forms of intolerance punishable by five to 10 years' imprisonment. No one was prosecuted under the law during the year.


Djibouti

The governing coalition included all of the country's major clan and ethnic groups, with minority groups also represented in senior positions. Nonetheless, there continued to be discrimination on the basis of ethnicity in employment and job advancement. Somali Issas, the majority ethnic group, controlled the ruling party and dominated the civil service and security services, and the minority Afar peoples were marginalized. Discrimination based on ethnicity and clan affiliation remained a factor in business and politics.


Equatorial Guinea

Discrimination against ethnic or racial minorities was illegal; however, societal discrimination, harassment by security forces, and political marginalization of minorities were problems. Foreigners were often victimized. Undocumented residents from Nigeria, Ghana, Cameroon, Mali, Togo, Gabon, and other African countries represented a significant portion of the labor force and continued to grow, despite police attempts to enforce immigration laws. Foreigners routinely were stopped at checkpoints and asked to provide documentation.


Eritrea

Discrimination against minorities was a problem. There were reports of government and societal discrimination against the Kunama, one of nine ethnic groups, who reside primarily in the northwest.

Web sites stated that the government ignored the impact of the June 12 Nabro volcano eruption on ethnic minorities who resided in the area near the volcano.

Governmental and societal abuse of Ethiopians occurred. Ethiopians were arbitrarily arrested and asked to pay bribes to be released.

Requests from citizens in rural areas (where ethnic minorities are concentrated) for basic services, such as an adequate number of schools, were routinely ignored by the government.


Ethiopia

The country has more than 80 ethnic groups, of which the Oromo, at 35 percent of the population, is the largest. The federal system drew boundaries roughly along major ethnic group lines, and regional states had much greater control over their affairs than previously. Most political parties remained primarily ethnically based.

Clashes between ethnic groups during the year resulted in deaths. Water shortages contributed to interethnic conflict.

On January 2, a territorial dispute in SNNPR between members of the Guji Oromo and the Sidama ethnic groups left five persons dead and 11 injured.

On April 4, a dispute in SNNPR over land ownership between members of the Geweda and Kolme ethnic groups resulted in the death of three persons and the injury of seven others. The federal police and local administration intervened quickly to bring calm to the area.


Gabon

No information in the subsection on National/Racial/Ethnic Minorities


Gambia, The

No information in the subsection on National/Racial/Ethnic Minorities


Ghana

No information in the subsection on National/Racial/Ethnic Minorities


Guinea

The country's population was ethnically diverse, with three main ethnic groups and several smaller ones identifying with specific regions. The three major groups are the Soussou in Lower Guinea, the Peuhl in Middle Guinea, and the Malinke in Upper Guinea. There were smaller ethnic groups throughout the country. Conakry, other large urban areas such as Kankan, and the Forest Region were ethnically heterogeneous.

While the law prohibits racial or ethnic discrimination, ethnic identification was strong. Mutual suspicion, both inside and outside the government, affected relations across ethnic lines. Widespread societal ethnic discrimination by members of all major ethnic groups was evident in private-sector hiring patterns, in the ethnic segregation of urban neighborhoods, and in the relatively low levels of interethnic marriage. Political campaigns capitalized on ethnic divisions, and divisive ethnic rhetoric spurred civilian clashes in Conakry that resulted in the deaths of at least two persons during the year. The government and the National Transitional Council implemented several sensitization programs throughout the year to highlight the importance of peace and unity among ethnic groups. It also held conferences and purchased radio and television programming to combat ethnic tensions and to encourage political leaders to avoid using divisive ethnic rhetoric.

Vigilante violence occurred during the year. For example, on September 27, a Sousou man argued with his ethnic Peuhl neighbor over the effectiveness of

opposition-sponsored protests earlier that day. The argument quickly became violent, with the Soussou man stabbing his Peuhl neighbor, who later died from his injuries. A crowd of Peuhls quickly subdued the fleeing Soussou man and stabbed him to death.

Interreligious conflict resulted in deaths (see section 1 .d.).


Guinea-Bissau

No information in the subsection on National/Racial/Ethnic Minorities


Kenya

The population is divided into approximately 42 ethnic groups, among which discrimination and occasional violence were frequent. The 2009 census released in August 2010 revealed that the major ethnic communities were: Kikuyu, 6.6 million; Luhya, 5.3 million; Kalenjin, 5 million; Luo, 4 million; Kamba,

3.9 million; Kenyan Somali, 2.3 million; Kisii, 2.2 million; and Mijikenda, 1.9 million. The Kikuyu and related groups dominated much of private commerce and industry and often purchased land outside their traditional home areas, which sometimes resulted in fierce resentment from other ethnic groups. The numerically small and shrinking South Asian community controlled a disproportionate share of commerce.

Many factors contributed to interethnic conflicts: long-standing grievances over land tenure policies and competition for scarce agricultural land, the proliferation of guns, the commercialization of traditional cattle rustling, the growth of a modern warrior/bandit culture (distinct from traditional culture), ineffective local political leadership, diminished economic prospects for groups affected by a severe regional drought, political rivalries, and the inability of security forces to adequately quell violence. Conflict between land owners and squatters was particularly severe in Rift Valley and Coast provinces, while

competition for water and pasturage was especially serious in the northern districts of Rift Valley and Eastern provinces and in North Eastern Province.

In private business and in the public sector, members of nearly all ethnic groups commonly discriminated in favor of other members of the same group. Some neighborhoods, particularly in slum areas of the capital, tended to be segregated ethnically, although interethnic marriage has become fairly common in urban areas.

There was frequent conflict, banditry, and cattle rustling among Somali, Turkana, Gabbra, Borana, Samburu, Rendille, and Pokot ethnic groups in arid regions located in North Eastern, Eastern, and Rift Valley provinces, which at times resulted in death. For example, during the year cattle rustling was rampant, and several persons were killed in Isiolo and Turkana in connection with cattle raids and counterattacks.

Between October 13 and 18, at least 14 persons were killed as a result of interethnic fighting in Isiolo over pasture and water. On October 14, seven persons were shot and killed in Tractor village, Ngaremara Division, in Isiolo. According to local media reports, the dead included two 12-year-old children, who were dragged out of their huts and shot as their parents watched. Insecurity in the region resulted in the closure of at least six schools. Several

teachers from the Borana, Somali, and Meru communities in Isiolo received death threats and were transferred. In response the government deployed hundreds of security officers to the area in pursuit of the attackers, but no arrests were made by year's end.

In response to armed incursions and kidnappings conducted from Somali territory, in October Kenyan military forces entered southern Somalia to conduct

operations against al Shabaab forces. In conjunction with these operations, the government launched internal security measures inside Kenya to counter suspected al Shabaab militants and sympathizers. Kenyan citizens, including Muslims and those of Somali ethnic origin, were generally supportive of these efforts; however, abuses occurred. For example, HRW reported that on November 11 , after an attack by suspected al-Shabaab militants in Garissa, security forces picked up people who looked Somali, beat them, and forced them to sit in dirty water while interrogating them. After an improvised explosive device exploded in the same area on December 12, police and soldiers rounded up and beat Kenyans of Somali origin over the next three days,

according to HRW. After grenade attacks occurred at a bus stop and bar in Nairobi in October, general public hostility against urban Somali refugees in Nairobi and Kenyans of Somali ethnic origin increased. The perception that Kenyan citizens of Somali origin were disproportionately successful in business contributed to public hostility.


Lesotho

No information in the subsection on National/Racial/Ethnic Minorities


Liberia

Although the law prohibits ethnic discrimination, racial discrimination is enshrined in the constitution, which provides that only "persons who are Negroes or of Negro descent" may be citizens and own land. Many persons of Lebanese and Asian descent who were born or lived most of their lives in the country were denied citizenship and property rights as a result of this discrimination.


Madagascar

None of the 18 tribes of the country constituted a majority. There were also minorities of Indo-Pakistani, Comoran, and Chinese heritage. Ethnicity, caste, and regional solidarity often were factors in hiring and were exploited in politics. A long history of military conquest and political dominance by highland ethnic groups of Asian origin, particularly the Merina, over coastal groups of African ancestry contributed to tension between citizens of highland and coastal descent, particularly in the political sphere.


Malawi

No information in the subsection on National/Racial/Ethnic Minorities


Mali

Societal discrimination against black" Tamasheqs, often referred to by the label Bellah, continued. Some black Tamasheqs were deprived of civil liberties

by other ethnic groups due to traditional slavery-like practices and hereditary servitude relationships between certain ethnic groups. Black Tamasheqs in Menaka also reported systematic discrimination by local officials and others that hindered their ability to obtain identity documents or voter registration cards, locate adequate housing, protect their animals from theft, seek legal protections, obtain education, or access development aid.


Mauritania

Ethnic minorities faced governmental discrimination. The inconsistent issuance of national identification cards, which were required for voting, effectively disenfranchised many members of southern minority groups. Racial and cultural tension and discrimination also arose from the geographic and cultural divides between Moors and Afro-Mauritanians. The Moors are divided among numerous ethnolinguistic tribal and clan groups and further distinguished as

either White Moor or Black Moor, although it was often difficult to distinguish between the two by skin color. White Moor tribes and clans, many of whom are dark-skinned after centuries of intermarriage with Berbers and sub-Saharan African groups, dominated positions in government and business. The Black Moors (also called haratines or freed slaves) remained politically and economically weaker than White Moors. Afro-Mauritanian ethnic groups, which include the Halpulaar (the largest non-Moor group), Wolof, and Soninke, are concentrated in the South and urban areas. Afro-Mauritanians were underrepresented in the government and military.

The constitution designates Arabic as the official language and Arabic, Pulaar, Soninke, and Wolof as the country's national languages. The government continued to encourage French and Arabic bilingualism within the school system, as opposed to earlier efforts at arabization." Neither the Afro-Mauritanian national languages nor the local Hassaniya Arabic dialect were used as languages of instruction. On April 20, a riot between Afro-Mauritanian and Moor students broke out at Nouakchott University over allegations of fraud during a student union vote that was split mainly along ethnic lines.

Ethnic rivalry contributed to political divisions and tensions. Some political parties tended to have readily identifiable ethnic bases, although political coalitions among parties were increasingly important. Black Moors and Afro-Mauritanians continued to be underrepresented in mid- to high-level public and private sector jobs.

There were numerous reports of land disputes between former slaves, Afro-Mauritanians, and Moors. According to human rights activists and press reports, local authorities allowed Moors to expropriate land occupied by former slaves and Afro-Mauritanians or to obstruct access to water and pastures.

Human rights NGOs reported numerous cases of inheritance disputes between slaves or former slaves and their masters. Traditionally, slave masters inherited their slaves' possessions.

The government's Program to Eradicate the Effects of Slavery, begun in 2009, continued during the year. Its goals were to reduce poverty among the 44,750 former slaves in the Assaba, Brakna, Gorgol, and Hodh Chargui regions and improve their access to water, health, education, and income- generating opportunities. However, the program's activities were reduced during the year after former human rights commissioner Ould Daddeh was arrested along with and senior-level staff, including its coordinator and its financial director, on findings of corruption in a government inspection. NGOs maintained that the commissioner was arrested for political reasons.

The government also continued its collaborative program with the UN on conflict prevention aimed at promoting democratic values and the rights of marginalized populations, including former slaves. According to the NGO SOS Esclaves, these programs focused on fighting poverty and the effects of slavery rather than the practice of slavery itself.


Mauritius

No information in the subsection on National/Racial/Ethnic Minorities


Mozambique

There were reports of discrimination by police against Zimbabwean and Somali immigrants during the year.


Namibia

Despite constitutional prohibitions, societal, racial, and ethnic discrimination persisted. Some citizens continued to accuse the government of providing more development assistance and professional opportunities to the majority Ovambo ethnic group.


Niger

No information in the subsection on National/Racial/Ethnic Minorities


Nigeria

The country's ethnically diverse population consisted of more than 250 groups. Many were concentrated geographically and spoke distinct primary

languages. Three major groups--Hausa, Igbo, and Yoruba--jointly constituted approximately half the population. Members of all ethnic groups practiced ethnic discrimination, particularly in private-sector hiring patterns and the segregation of urban neighborhoods. A long history of tension existed between some ethnic groups.

Many groups complained of insufficient representation in government.

The law prohibits ethnic discrimination by the government, but claims of marginalization continued, particularly by members of southern groups and Igbos. Ethnic groups of the Niger Delta continued their calls for senior representation on petroleum agencies and committees and within security forces.

The constitution requires that the government have a "national character," meaning that cabinet and other high-level positions are distributed to persons representing each of the 36 states, or each of the six geopolitical regions. Traditional relationships were used to pressure government officials to favor particular ethnic groups in the distribution of important positions and other patronage.

All citizens have the right to live in any part of the country, but state and local governments frequently discriminated against ethnic groups not indigenous to their areas, occasionally compelling individuals to return to a region where their ethnic group originated but to which they no longer had personal ties. The government sometimes compelled nonindigenous persons to move by threats, discrimination in hiring and employment, or destruction of their homes. Those who chose to stay sometimes experienced further discrimination, including denial of scholarships and exclusion from employment in the civil service, police, and military.

For example, in Plateau State, the predominantly Muslim and nonindigenous Hausa and Fulani faced significant discrimination from the local government in land ownership, jobs, access to education, scholarships, and government representation.

Religious differences often mirrored regional, ethnic, and occupational differences. For example, in many areas of the Middle Belt, Muslim Fulani tended to

be pastoralists, while the Muslim Hausa and Christian Igbo and other ethnic groups tended to be farmers or work in urban areas. Consequently, ethnic, regional, economic, and land use competition often correlated with religious differences between the competing groups.

Incidents of communal violence between ethnic groups in the Middle Belt, also divided along Christian-Muslim lines, resulted in numerous deaths and injuries, the displacement of thousands of persons, and widespread property destruction.

Ethnoreligious violence, often triggered by disputes between farmers and herders, resulted in numerous deaths and significant displacement during the year. The most deadly examples of such conflict occurred in Jos and the farmland surrounding the city. In January as many as 100 persons were killed in violence that followed the 2010 Christmas bombings in Jos that killed and injured Christians, and in clashes between Christian and Hausa Fulani youths and the STF around the University of Jos. HRW estimated that more than 200 persons, both Muslim and Christian, died in reprisals and counterreprisals, which continued throughout the year.

Land disputes, ethnic differences, settler-indigene tensions, and religious affiliation all contributed to these attacks. Determining motives behind any single attack remained difficult. "Silent killings" occurred throughout the year, in which individuals disappeared and later were found dead. Reprisal attacks at

night in which assailants targeted and attacked individual homes or communities occurred frequently. For example, on September 4, unknown assailants killed a family of eight, including a four-month-old baby, during the night in a village outside of Jos. In late August at the end of Ramadan, a dispute between Muslim and Christian youths over the location to hold Eid prayers led to violence in and around Jos that resulted in the death of up to 100 Muslims and Christians. Authorities did not convict any perpetrators of such violence during the year or those involved in attacks by Muslim Fulani herders in March 2010 that left 700 persons dead.

The Presidential Advisory Committee on Jos Crisis delivered its report in August 2010. The report contained recommendations regarding land ownership, indigeneship, the creation of new local government areas, the establishment of a culture of nonviolence, the problem of youth unemployment, and community sensitization. Authorities had not implemented these recommendations by year's end. Ethnic groups cited economic exploitation, environmental destruction, and government indifference as their major problems in the oil-producing Niger Delta region. Incidents of ethnic conflict and confrontation with government officials and forces continued in the Niger Delta area (see section 1 .g.).

Conflicts over land rights continued among members of the Tiv, Kwalla, Jukun, and Azara ethnic groups living near the convergence of Nassarawa, Benue, and Taraba states.


Rwanda

Long-standing tensions in the country culminated in the 1994 state-orchestrated genocide, in which Rwandans killed between 750,000 and one million of their fellow citizens, including approximately three-quarters of the Tutsi population. Following the killing of the president in 1994, an extremist interim government directed the Hutu-dominated national army, militia groups, and ordinary citizens to kill resident Tutsis and moderate Hutus. The genocide ended later the same year when the predominantly Tutsi RPF, operating out of Uganda and northern Rwanda, defeated the national army and Hutu militias and established an RPF-led government of national unity that included members of eight political parties. President Kagame was elected in the 2003 elections.

Since 1994 the government has called for national reconciliation and abolished policies of the former government that created and deepened ethnic cleavages. The government removed all references to ethnicity in written and nonwritten official discourse and eliminated ethnic quotas for education, training, and government employment. The constitution provides for the eradication of ethnic, regional, and other divisions in society and the promotion of national unity. In practice most Rwandans knew the regional or ethnic origin of their fellow Rwandans. Some individuals continued to accuse the

government of favoring Tutsis, particularly English-speaking Tutsis, in government employment, admission to professional schooling, recruitment into or promotion within the army, and other matters.


Sao Tome and Principe

No information in the subsection on National/Racial/Ethnic Minorities


Senegal

While the country's many ethnic groups have coexisted relatively peacefully, interethnic tensions between the Wolof and southern ethnic groups played a significant role in the long-running Casamance rebellion that has been characterized by grievous human rights abuses.


Seychelles

No information in the subsection on National/Racial/Ethnic Minorities


Sierra Leone

The ethnically diverse population consisted of 18 ethnic groups of African origin, and many spoke distinct languages and were concentrated outside urban areas. In addition there were significant ethnic Lebanese and Indian minorities, and small groups of European and Pakistani origin. Little ethnic segregation

was apparent in urban areas, where interethnic marriage was common. The two largest ethnic groups are the Temne in the North and the Mende in the South. These groups each constituted an estimated 30 percent of the population; however, the Krio, 7 percent of the population, have historically

dominated the civil service and judiciary. Strong ethnic loyalties, bias, and stereotypes existed among all ethnic groups. The Temne and Mende have vied historically for political power, and the violence during the 11-year civil war had some ethnic undertones. Ethnic loyalty remains an important factor in the government, the armed forces, and business. Complaints of ethnic discrimination in government appointments, contract assignment, and military promotions were common under the former SLPP and current APC governments.

Residents of non-African descent faced some institutionalized discrimination, particularly in the areas of citizenship and nationality. The 1973 Citizenship Act, as amended in 2006, restricts citizenship by birth only to persons of "Negro-African descent," effectively denying citizenship to many locally born residents, most notably the six to seven thousand-strong Lebanese community. Non-"Negro-African" persons may apply for naturalization, but all applications must be approved personally by the president. No president has done so since the end of the civil war in 2002. In May the government announced new procedures whereby "non-Africans" who have lived in Sierra Leone for at least eight years (two for foreigners married to Sierra Leonean citizens) may apply for naturalization. The president must still approve all applications personally.

A small percentage of the Lebanese population was naturalized during a previous period of government leniency, and they enjoy the full rights of

citizenship, such as suffrage, access to health care and education, and the right to purchase freehold land. However, naturalized citizens not of "Negro- African" descent cannot transmit citizenship to their children born in the country; these children must apply for naturalization if they want to become citizens. While not entitled to the rights of citizens, nonnaturalized persons born in the country are entitled to a Sierra Leonean passport, and many Lebanese Sierra Leoneans travel on one without difficulty.

The Lebanese community reported no cases of overt discrimination based on race or nationality, although community leaders stressed that, even though many Lebanese families have resided in the country since the 1880s, they still feel alienated from the indigenous population.


Somalia

More than 85 percent of the population shared a common ethnic heritage, religion, and nomad-influenced culture. In most areas members of groups other than the predominant clan were excluded from effective participation in governing institutions and were subject to discrimination in employment, judicial proceedings, and access to public services.

Minority groups and low-caste clans included the Bantu (the largest minority group), the Benadiri, Rer Hamar, Brawanese, Swahili, Tumal, Yibir, Yaxar, Madhiban, Hawrarsame, Muse Dheryo, Faqayaqub, and Gabooye. Intermarriage between minority groups and mainstream clans was restricted by custom. Minority groups, often lacking armed militias, continued to be disproportionately subject to killings, torture, rape, kidnapping for ransom, and

looting of land and property with impunity by faction militias and majority clan members. Many minority communities continued to live in deep poverty and suffer from numerous forms of discrimination and exclusion.


South Africa

Random xenophobic attacks on foreign African migrants and ethnic minorities occurred and sometimes resulted in death, injury, and displacement. Citizens who blamed immigrants for job and housing losses and increasing levels of crime generally perpetrated such attacks. The government sometimes responded quickly and decisively to xenophobic incidents, sending police and soldiers into affected communities to quell violence and restore order. However, civil society organizations criticized the government for failing to address the root causes of the violence, for not facilitating opportunities for conflict resolution in affected communities, and for failing to deter such attacks by vigorous investigation and prosecution of participants.

For example, in July 2010 citizens attacked foreign-owned spaza shops (small retail enterprises) and looted homes in Mbekweni, Paarl East, Wellington, and Nyanga in Western Cape Province. Approximately 70 foreign nationals sought refuge at the Mbekweni police station in Paarl, 22 at the Wellington police station, and about 100 at a campsite outside Wellington. In response, the government deployed police and SANDF troops to townships in Western Cape Province with instructions to take harsh action to stamp out xenophobic threats. Police Minister Nathia Mthethwa and Defense Minister Lindiwe Sisulu, who flew to the province to survey the situation, determined that criminals using xenophobia to destabilize communities had orchestrated the attacks. All those who had fled their homes had returned to their communities or moved elsewhere by year's end. Police arrested seven men in the Nyanga area and charged them with public violence; there were no further developments.

In February 2010 the SAHRC released its report on the 2008 xenophobic attacks against foreign African migrants and ethnic minorities, which resulted in 62 deaths, injuries to 670 persons, and the displacement of 80,000 migrants, most of whom had reintegrated into their communities by the end of 2009 in Western Cape, Gauteng, and KwaZulu-Natal provinces. The report made more than 100 recommendations, including the development of an early warning system, better protection of foreign nationals, and prosecution of perpetrators. Field studies by the Institute for Security Studies and the Forced Migration Studies Program (FMSP) implicated local ward politicians in orchestrating attacks to gain political influence with residents, although no related arrests were made. According to the Department of Justice and Constitutional Development, more than 1,000 suspects were identified, resulting in the referral of 597 cases to court; 109 suspects were charged and the conviction rate was 16 percent. NGOs claimed none of the arrests or prosecutions was for murder, but the FMSP reported one suspect was convicted of murder and sentenced to 15 years in prison.

The continued killings of mostly white farm owners by black assailants sustained concern among white farmers that they were being targeted for racial and political reasons. There also were reports that white employers abused and killed black farm laborers and complaints that white employers received preferential treatment from the authorities. The Agricultural Union of South Africa called for the minister of police to keep closer track of "farm violence" statistics and issued its own report on April 1, alleging there had been 16 attacks resulting in eight deaths during the period from January 1 to March 31.

On February 2, Deon van Staden, 51 , and Babs Strecker, 73, were found murdered in their home in Bethanie, North West Province. They had been stabbed multiple times and beaten with a shovel. The perpetrators fled with van Staden's truck.

In April 2010 Eugene Terre'Blanche, leader of the extremist white right-wing Afrikaner Resistance Movement, was bludgeoned to death at his farm near Ventersdorp, North West Province. Two of Terre'Blanche's farm workers, Chris Mahlangu and a 15-year-old boy, later contacted police and claimed to have committed the crime. In April 2010 the two were charged with murder and the trial was ongoing at year's end.

The law requires employers with 50 or more employees to ensure that previously disadvantaged groups, legally defined as "Blacks" (including '"Africans," "Coloured," and "Asians" and collectively constituting more than 90 percent of the population) are represented adequately at all levels of the workforce. Notwithstanding antidiscrimination legislation, however, the DOL's 2010-11 Employment Equity Analysis reported that Blacks remained underrepresented, particularly at the professional and managerial levels. According to the report, Blacks held only 13.4 percent of top management positions, 17.6 percent of senior management positions and approximately 31 percent of all professional positions. However, the report also indicated that Black representation in the skilled labor sector had increased to 51 percent from 39.2 percent in 2006. Black women remained by far the most disadvantaged group in number and quality of management or skilled jobs.


South Sudan

Interethnic fighting was a serious problem (see section 1 .g.). The country had more than 81 ethnic groups and a long history of interethnic conflict. Ethnic groups were broadly categorized into the Nilotic (Dinka, Nuer, and Shilluk ethnic groups), Nilo-Hamitic, and the Southwestern Sudanic groups. For these ethnic groups, cattle represented wealth and status, and competition for resources to maintain large cattle herds often resulted in conflict. Longstanding grievances over perceived or actual inequitable treatment and distribution of resources and political exclusion contributed to conflict.

Several interethnic clashes occurred following independence in July, including a cycle of retaliatory attacks between the Murle and Lou Nuer ethnic groups in Jonglei State. Interethnic conflict spread throughout Lakes State with subgroups of the dominant Dinka group, Dinka pastoralists, and Jur Bel agriculturalists fighting for land resources. Interethnic clashes occurred in northeast Lakes State between the Nuer from Unity State and the Dinka in Lakes State. Longstanding tensions in Unity State between the nomadic Misseriya, the Nuer, and the Ngok Dinka communities resulted in a series of violent

confrontations. Following the January referendum on secession, northern Arab groups, including the Misseriya from Southern Kordofan and Abyei Area, migrated into northern Unity State, increasing competition and tension over resources for cattle.

Christians in South Sudan often discriminated against Arabs and Muslims.


Sudan

The population is a multiethnic mix of more than 500 Arab and African tribes with numerous languages and dialects. These designations are often self-identified, referring to language and other cultural attributes. Northern Muslims traditionally dominate the government. Interethnic fighting in Darfur was between Muslims who considered themselves either Arab or non-Arab and also between different Arab tribes.

The Muslim majority and the government continued to discriminate against ethnic minorities in almost every aspect of society. Citizens in Arabic-speaking areas who did not speak Arabic experienced discrimination in education, employment, and other areas.


Swaziland

The constitution forbids discrimination on the grounds of race, color, ethnic origin, tribe, or birth; however, governmental and societal discrimination was practiced against nonethnic Swazis, generally white persons and persons of mixed race. Although there were no official statistics, an estimated 2 percent of the population was nonethnic Swazi. Nonethnic Swazis experienced difficulty in obtaining official documents, including passports, and suffered from other forms of governmental and societal discrimination, such as needing special permits or stamps to buy a car or house, delays in receiving building permits for houses, and difficulties in applying for a bank loan.


Tanzania

No information in the subsection on National/Racial/Ethnic Minorities


Togo

The dominance in private sector commerce, professions, and public/ military service of members of southern ethnic groups of the former and current

presidents' ethnic group Kabye and other northern groups were sources of political tension. Political parties tended to have readily identifiable ethnic and regional bases. The RPT party was more represented among northern ethnic groups than among southern groups; the reverse was true of the UFC and CAR opposition parties.


Uganda

There were isolated reports of violence between ethnic minorities in some parts of the country. For example, on June 19, interclan clashes between

Pabwo and Lapyem over a disputed piece of land injured 15 people. A total of 120 persons from the Pabwo clan were displaced and eight huts burned.


Zambia

The country's seven major ethnic groups--Bemba, Kaonde, Lozi, Lunda, Luvale, Ngoni, and Tonga--are divided into 73 ethnic subgroups. The government protected their civil and political rights and any rights under the law to share in revenue from the exploitation of natural resources on tribal lands. The government generally permitted autonomy for ethnic minorities and encouraged the practice of local customary law. Some political parties maintained political and historical connections to tribal groups and promoted their interests.

The government grants special recognition to traditional leaders, including the Barotse Royal Establishment (BRE) as the political authority of the Lozi

ethnic group. However, the government does not recognize the 1964 Barotseland Agreement signed by the United Kingdom, Northern Rhodesia, and the BRE immediately prior to Zambia's independence that granted the Lozi political autonomy. Some Lozi groups have demanded official recognition of Barotseland Agreement.

On January 14, police killed two persons, injured more than 20, and arrested 129 who gathered in Limilunga to demand the restoration of the Barotseland Agreement. The protests spread to Mongu when police cracked down on protesters. Those arrested were charged with offenses ranging from treason to conduct likely to cause breach of peace. Upon assuming office on September 23, President Sata pardoned and released all the Barotse detainees and appointed a commission of inquiry to investigate the January disturbances (see section 2.b.).


Zimbabwe

According to government statistics, the Shona ethnic group makes up 82 percent of the population, Ndebele 14 percent, whites and Asians less than 1 percent, and other ethnic groups 3 percent. There was tension between the white minority and other groups, which ZANU-PF leaders often manipulated to further their political agenda. Historical tension between the Shona majority and Ndebele minority resulted in marginalization of the Ndebele by the Shona- dominated government.

The government continued its attempts to attribute the country's economic and political problems to the white minority and Western countries. ZANU-PF supporters seldom were arrested or charged with infringing upon minority rights, particularly the property rights of the minority white commercial farmers or wildlife conservancy owners targeted in the land redistribution program.

None of the provisions or timelines in the 2008 indigenization law were enforced during the year, and no businesses were forced to transfer ownership. The law defines an indigenous Zimbabwean as any person, or the descendant of such person, who before the date of the country's independence in 1980 was disadvantaged. The official purpose of the indigenization law was to increase the participation of indigenous citizens in the economy, with the ultimate objective of at least 51 percent indigenous ownership of large businesses. Legal experts criticized the law as being itself unfairly discriminatory and a violation of the constitution. Critics also said the real purpose of the law was to create patronage for ZANU-PF.

Historically, the government has discriminated against language minorities through the Education Act, which mandates the teaching of English in schools, along with Shona or Ndebele, depending on the region. In 2001 other minority language groups (Tonga, Shangani, Kalanga, Suthu, Venda, and Nambya) formed the Zimbabwe Indigenous Languages Promotion Association (ZILPA) to petition the government for legal reforms so that their languages could be taught in their schools. In 2008 the government agreed to allow the teaching of these languages in the areas in which they were spoken, along with English and Shona or Ndebele. The government did not provide resources for related teacher training or instructional materials. Nonetheless, the Tonga

successfully developed curriculum and instructional materials to cover the seven years of primary school education. In 2009 Ministry of Education, Sport, Art, and Culture officials met with ZILPA and agreed to support its request for funding to teach all minority languages; however, schools lacked the necessary materials to teaching of minority languages.